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Politics and Reality.
Germany
was very late in officially recognising the Armenian Genocide. At the beginning
of 2001 the Central Committee of Armenians in Germany formally
appealed to the Bundestag to recognise the Genocide. This appeal was rejected
by a combination of Social Democrats, Christian Democrats and other minority
parties. Only the Linke supported this appeal.
The Government
admitted that they had been influenced by the Turkish Governments request not
to debate the subject of Genocide in Parliament.
The German Government
justified its decision by stressing that Turkey
and Armenia had established a Committee for Reconciliation to reach an
agreement to the Genocide question.
It was clear that Germany
did not want to damage the satisfactory relationship with Turkey.
2005, the
oppositional CDU /CSU surprisingly raised a question in the Bundestag in
remembrance of the victims of the Armenian genocide. The then SPD and Green
governing parties ere thereby put in a difficult position. They could not
simply ignore the raising of this question by such an important party as the
political and moral damage for the two governing parties would have been too
severe.
The resolution
formulated by the CDU led to a debate in the Bundestag concerning the Armenian
Genocide just a few days before the 24th of April. Members of
parliament from all factions condemned the crimes of the then ruling Young Turk
Government and demanded from the present Turkish Government a confrontation
with their historical past. After the debate is was agreed that a resolution
should be formulated and agreed upon by all factions.
This resolution
was titled. „ In Memory of the Expelled and Massacred
Armenians of 1915
– Germany must contribute to the reconciliation of Turkey
and Armenia”,
and was presented
to Parliament in June 2005
The crimes
committed were not clearly defined as Genocide in the resolution. The Bundestag
condemned the “Young Turk government of the Ottoman
Empire, whose actions almost led to the
complete annihilation of the Armenians in Anatolia.” and criticised openly the
“infamous role of the German Empire, which despite the array of information
sources pointing to an organised and systematic expulsion and annihilation of
Armenians, did not once attempt to prevent this cruelty.”
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In the resolution
the German Theology Professor Dr Johannes Lepsius was expressly mentioned as he
had with “vigour and efficiently fought for the survival of the Armenian
people”
Lepsius had already taken interest in the fate
of the Armenians during the Armenian massacres between 1892 -1894 and had since
this date contributed richly in informing the German public of the persecution
of the Armenians and of Christians in the Ottoman
Empire. In the middle of the war he
published a detailed work titled “A Report of the Condition of Armenians in Turkey”.
After the war,
Lepsius published his book “Germany
and Armenia 1914-1918: a Collection of Diplomatic Correspondence” Until a few
years ago this was the most important source of historical German material
regarding the Armenian genocide.
After the opening
of the German Archives relating to this period more and more details of the
Genocide became known. These details confirmed and made clear the extent to
which Germany was partly to blame for the tragic and criminal events.
As the debate took
place in Berlin in April 2005, the Speaker for the Greens admitted that “we not
only knew, but also carry some of the blame. I would like to on behalf of my
faction, and I believe for all in this Parliament, today 90 years after these
terrible events, offer my apologises to the Armenian people for our complicity.”
The speaker for
the SPD supported the demands of his Green colleague and insisted that an
apology to the Armenian people must be part of the resolution. Two months later
as the common resolution was accepted by Parliament there was no mention of the
German apology to the Armenian people and no outcry to its absence.
Two years have
passed since this Resolution went through the German Parliament and in the
meantime has been long forgotten. Nothing more has been undertaken, since that
emotional outburst of guilt in April 2005, to promote the discussion around the
Armenian Genocide and its recognition.
The Resolution of
June 2005 was merely a German attempt to fulfil its moral duty to the Armenian
people, but nothing more. Only one of the demands contained in the Resolution
of June 2005 was implemented. In honour of Johannes Lepsius, a new tourist was
created in Potsdam a small city outside Berlin, whereby his home was designated as a Memorial to his Life and
Works. It will be opened this December to mark his 150th Birthday.
As an ally of the Armenian people, Lepsius contributed to the Armenian cause as
much as any German was in the position to and more than any other German of the
time.
But only slowly is
the truth behind Germanys historical role in the
Ottoman drama coming to light, as the most sensitive documents had only been
evaluated by a very select few.
Also Lepsius´s
political aspirations, as a friend of Armenia,
are coming under scrutiny which should provoke thought within the German
political scene. Especially as the man who fought for the rights of Armenians
and for whom a memorial is being erected in Potsdam held many
undemocratic positions. He was a supporter of the German expansionist policy
and an admirer of the German Emperor. Although he was certainly against the
annihilation of the Armenians by the Young Turk regime, he was not opposed to
their expulsion. What the German Government protested about was the manner and
the murder of the deportees. Nevertheless, the diplomats were aware that the
Turkish regime had no interest in allowing the Armenians to resettle in Mesopotamia: the Young Turks
wanted to annihilate them.
The Links Party raised a question in the
Bundestag which warned against making a memorial of Lepsius´s home in Potsdam. To honour
someone in Germany who held strong nationalistic, anti-Semitic and was a dedicated
supporter of Emperor Wilhelm II is a dangerous act.
The hopes raised by
the Resolution of June 2005, that such a Memorial would serve in the “sense of
furthering the relationship between Armenians and Turks” is now hardly
realistic.
The attempt by the
Christian Democrats and Church circles in Germany
to resurrect Johannes Lepsius as exemplary for German humanistic thought will
not succeed. Lepsius was certainly not an enemy of the Armenians but he was
also not the model of the “Good German” which the authorities wish to portray
him as.
A memorial to the
victims of the Armenian Genocide is the proper thing to do, but to have it in
the home of a German who admired the German Kaiser and his expansionist
policies and moreover did not oppose the expulsion of the Armenians is surely
the wrong place.
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